East Timor Independence - конспект - Международные отношения, Рефераты из Международные отношения
Guzeev_anton10 июня 2013 г.

East Timor Independence - конспект - Международные отношения, Рефераты из Международные отношения

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Samara State University of Economics . Конспект лекций по предмету Международные отношения. East Timor Independence? Contents. Introduction Ethnological origin, demography and policy Before and after the arrival of...
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East Timor Independence

East Timor Independence?

Contents. Introduction …………………………………………………………….. 3

Ethnological origin, demography and policy …………………………. 3

Before and after the arrival of the Europeans ……………………….. 6

Japanese occupation during World War II ……………………………7

The Portuguese colonial empire ……………………………………….. 8

Indonesian invasion …………………………………………………….. 10

Introduction to Indonesia ………………………………………………. 12

Independence of Indonesia and Sukarno ……………………………… 13

Formation of East-Timorese political associations …………………… 17

The parties ………………………………………………………………. 18

Australian support ………………………………………………………. 21

USA admits Timorese right to self-determination …………………….. 23

Indonesia admits independence …………………………………………. 23

Agreement Between the Republic of Indonesia and the Portugese

Republic on the Question of East Timor ……………………………….. 24

Conclusion ………………………………………………………………… 26

Introduction. It is not easy to write with feigned calm and dispassion about the events that

have been unfolding in East Timor. Horror and shame are compounded by the fact

that the crimes are so familiar and could so easily have been halted by the

international community a long time ago.

Timor, the Malay word for "Orient", is an island of the Malay Archipelago, the

largest and easternmost of the Lesser Sundas, lying between parallels 8 deg. 17' and

10 deg. 22' of south latitude and meridians 123 deg. 25' and 127 deg. 19' of latitude

east from Greenwich. It is bathed by the Indian Ocean (Timor Sea) at South, and

Pacific Ocean (Banda Sea) at North and has an oblong configuration in the direction

of southwest -- northeast. The island is surrounded by the Roti and Saval islands

through the Roti Strait, by the Lomblem, Pantar and Ombai islands across the Ombai

Strait and by Kissar isle to the northeast. Southwards, Australia dists about 500 km,

and 1000 km separates the southwest point of Timor from Java.

The total area of Timor is of 32 350 sq km, measuring the maximums of 470

km in length and 110 km in width. About 480 km wide, and a surface of 450 000 sq

km, the Timor Sea which is divided between the two territories, opening west into the

Indian Ocean and east into the Arafura Sea, part of the Pacific Ocean.

The territory of the island -- East Timor-- of which Portugal was recognized

administrative power by United Nations, occupies an estimated area of almost 19 000

km, and comprises the eastern half of the island, with 265 km in length and 92 km of

maximum width and an area of 16 384 km and the enclave of Ocussi-Ambeno that

dists 70 km from Batugadi, with 2 461 sq km and a coastline 48 km long. Still part of

East Timor is the island of Ataero (or Pulo-Cambing) with 144 sq km, just 23 km

northwards of the capital Dili and the tiny isle of Jaco with 8 sq km, being the oriental

extreme of East Timor just ahead of Tutuala.

Ethnological origin, demography and policy.

There are 12 ethnic groups in East Timor each of which has its own language:

9 Austronesian language groups - Tetum, Mambai, Tokodede, Kemak, Galoli, Idate,

Waima'a, Naueti; and 3 Papuan language groups - Bunak, Makasae, Fatuluku. The

Tetum live in two separate geographic areas within East Timor. A simplified version

of the Tetum language was utilised in Dili by the Portuguese as a lingua franca. This

language has spread throughout East Timor so that Tetum, in its original or simplified

form, came to be spoken by about 60% of the population. Though widespread, it is not

understood by all.

One of the first references to the natives of East Timor is expressed in the

description that in 1514 the Portuguese Rui de Brito sent to king D. Manuel. In our

free transcription, he wrote in these terms: “Timor is an island beyond Java, has plenty

sandalwood, plenty honey, plenty wax, hasn't junks for navigating, is a big island of


The `kaffir' is meant to refer to the “black and of troubled hair”. Timorese

what, not being untrue, was an imprecise observation as the type was to be found only

in some regions, specially in Ocussi, and generically in West Timor.

From the antrophological point of view, the island arouses the upmost

scientific interest such is the heterogeneity of it's people.

For centuries the East Timorese had been farmers, living in scattered hamlets

and eating what they grew. Only a few coastal East Timorese were fishermen. Trading

and shop keeping had for generations been in the hands of the Chinese. East Timor is

extremely mountainous, so the majority of East Timorese had always lived in

isolation, far from towns and foreign influences, tied to their fields and animistic

practices. In spite of centuries of Catholic missionary work by the Portuguese, in 1975

animists still numbered as much as 72 % of the population. The local Timorese kings

still played an important part in their lives and allegiances, whilst interference from

Portuguese administrators and military was almost non-existent.

In the period between World War 2 and the 1975 Indonesian invasion, a

number of East Timorese managed to gain an education in the colony's few schools.

Some were mestizos, of Timorese and Portuguese parentage, others were Timorese

from traditional ruling families, but the majority were native Timorese who gained

their education through the Catholic minor seminary. The emergence of this small

educated elite in the 1960s and 1970s ensured that, when the Portuguese left East

Timor in 1975, these people with schooling, and nationalist aspirations, became the

territory's leaders.

Politically, socially and ethnologically Timorese differ amongst themselves in

groups. There is the division in independent sucos (kingdoms), the distinction

between the Atoni tribes of the Servian kingdom, in West Timor, and the Belos of the

Portuguese territory, groups such as the Firacos, ethnic designation adopted by the

Timorese in between Baucau and Luca, or the Caladi which are the inhabitants of the

central crest , Malays and non-Malays, so many "sucos" and more than twenty

languages and dialects, the contribution of the exogamy, of parties irreconcilable. In

conclusion, that is the expression of a relative absence of bio-ethnic unity of the


The history of a People and their Culture voted to banishment from their

motherland, the eastern half of an island, former Portuguese colony is the much

unknown. Timor lies in South East Asia enclosed in world's largest archipelago. That

is Indonesia, which gave it's name to the Republic constituted after the dutch

withdrawl. Since the beginning, Indonesian governments have experienced resistance

coming from independist movements of various islands which claim ethnical and

cultural diveristy from the predominant Javanese type. Nonetheless they were

continuously silenced thus unable to internationalize the situation to a stage that

would force foreign intervention. When it became inevitable, in that single exception

of the western half of New Guinea, the autodetermination of the papuans in favour of

an integration in Indonesia was observed as an Indonesian orchestrated act, and

remembered until today as the darkest episode in the history of UN.

Indonesia couldn't either afford the regional instability that the prospect of a

small nation rising in between the empire would arouse .This solitary piece of territory

and it's inhabitants had to be sacrificed for a hugger cause.

Portugal which's vast colonial possessions had once made the country great,

with times had become responsible for it's retardment. The drawling of the situation

was put to an end with a successful coup d'etat, in April '74, which engaged a national

revolution ceasing dictatorship and commited to decolonization. Meanwhile, if East

Timor, due to distance and expense, was already the most forgotten colony, less

attention it was given towards the definition of it's future as the longed changes in the

metropolis didn't avoid internal deviations and contradictions. It brought instability to

the government of the country and the urgence to lay the basis of democracy.

For Indonesia however, the solution was announced: annexation by any terms.

As it couldn't be done without cover-up, the Indonesian accounted the "ignorance" of

Timor's closest neighbor, Australia, offering access to the Timor Gap for oil. The

maintenance of economic and institutional relations was (is) too important. Necessary

non-interference from superpower USA was also naturally reached. Having the

Americans weakened their position in South East Asia after Vietnam, Indonesia was

regarded as the last great bastion of anti-communism in the region, essentially in those

years for reasons of military strategy as we'll see ahead. Thus friendly relations were

very important to preserve.

So, in name of political, economical and military goals, with two major

countries making it possible for the pretender of East Timor, and before the impotence

of Administrative Power Portugal, Indonesia invaded in December '75, interrupting a

process of decolonization in course. The action was promptly condemned by the

United Nations. Although in face of International Law, and of the most elementary

human rights, Indonesia is regularly criticized by the International Community, East

Timor remains still insignificant to put at stake superior governmental interests.

As the case of East Timor becomes more of a serious arrow nailed in the flank

of Indonesia's diplomacy, Jakarta multiplies efforts to gain votes amongst countries

who normally vote against in the sessions of UN, the mediator of the discussions

between Portugal and Indonesia (without Timorese representation) to avoid further

embarrassments that have resulted uncomfortable for its economic relations, and

desirable leading role amongst the Non-Aligned Movement, the same that combated


Nevertheless the same policy persists for Timor. As if once the annexation has

been carried out it urges by all means to prove the righteousness of such action.

For the last 19 years, an excess of 200 000 Timorese have been killed by the

Indonesians. The Resistance arms itself with the weapons captured from the enemy.

Women, the aged and the children are concentrated in camps where they do forced

labour and many starve to death. Suspects are tortured, spanking and sexual abuse are

constant, many women have been sterilized. Family members are deliberately aparted.

Transmigration programs project the definite dissolution of the Maubere People.

Before and after the arrival of the Europeans

Previous to the European interference in the indigenous scheme of life, the

island of Timor was inhabited by barbarian people that couldn't write but used iron

and was already agricultural. Industry was limited to the fabrication of cotton cloths

with which they covered themselves and the commerce reduced to the trade of wax

and sandalwood for certain products that brought to Timor makasare, malays and


Much before the arrival of Portuguese and Dutch, Timor was part of the

commercial nets politically centered east of Java, after in the Celebes, and linked by

trade to China and India. In documents published during the Ming dynasty, in 1436,

the commercial value of Timor is put in relief and described as a place where “the

mountains are covered by trees of sandalwood producing the country nothing else”.

One of the first Portuguese to visit the island, Duarte Barbosa, wrote in 1518: “there's

an abundance of sandalwood, white, to which the Muslims in India and Persia give

great value and where much of it is used”.

Other products were exported such as honey, wax and slaves, but trade relied

mainly on sandalwood.

Japanese occupation during World War II

During the Second World War, Portugal declared a policy of neutrality. Dutch

and Australian troops nonetheless disembarked at East Timor in disrespect of

Portuguese sovereignty. But the real menace came with the Japanese invasion, three

months later, in February of 1942. The island became a stage of war between Japanese

and the allieds. Timorese were seen as secondary actors when in truth, after crossing a

period of rebellion against Portuguese rule, were they the more sacrificed during the

resistance until 1945.

In spite of Portugal's policy of neutrality, the Australian and Dutch troops

entered in Timor. It was the first of two foreigner military invasions. In Lisbon,

Oliveira de Salazar denounced the allied disembark as an invasion of a neutral

territory. Shortly after arrived the Japanese. It's not to admire that J. Santos Carvalho

saw in these actions an attitude of depreciation towards the sovereignty of Portugal.

When the allied forces arrived at Dili in December the 17th of 1941, he says that

governor Ferreira de Carvalho, without means to retaliate by arms ordered the national

flag to be hoisted in all public partitions and buildings of the colony. To further mark

his position of neutrality he confined himself to his residence and, by free

determination, wished to be considered prisoner.

The population of the capital went to live in the interior, mainly in Aileu,

Liquie and Maubara. Some of the few Portuguese that remained in Dili pursued

nevertheless with their usual lives, socializing with the forces stationed in Timor.

They were given instructions by the local government to maintain a correct attitude

but to show no familiarity neither to collaborate. An atmosphere of normality gain

form, and some families were prepared to go back. It is even reported that an

agreement signed by English and Portuguese governments defined that the allied

troops would retire as soon as arrived a contingent of Portuguese forces from Maputo


What happened instead was the Japanese invasion of Dili, in February of 1942.

During January they had managed to occupy Malaysia (except Singapore), the

Philippines (but not Bataan), Borneo and the Celebes, Birmania, New Guinea and the

Salmon islands. Following general L. M. Chassin - “at the end of the second month of

an hyperbolic invasion , the Japanese tide extended itself irresistibly beyond paralyzed

and impotent adversaries.” In the middle of February they invaded Sumatra occupying

Palembang, soon after Singapore is attacked and many Englishmen are made

prisoners. Java was surrounded and on the 20th, Bali and Timor were taken. After a

weak resistance , the Dutch troops abandoned by the Javanese soldiers -- which were

in majority --, escaped to the interior leaving behind armament. Dili was then

violently sacked by the Japanese, who found the city almost uninhabited.

The Portuguese colonial empire

Up to the final years of dictatorship in Portugal, in spite of the condemnation

of UN and the start of the guerrilla warfare in the African colonies of Angola, Guinea

and Mozambique, the Portuguese Colonial Empire was defended by the government

as an heritage of the glorious past and motive of national pride. However, the crescent

expenses of it's maintenance begun to reflect increasingly on the economy and social

tissue of the metropolis, what provoked crescent discontentment of the population,

finally leading to the Revolution of '74 that installed democracy and gave

independence to the colonies. East Timor was invaded by Indonesia precisely in the

course of decolonization.

During dictatorship, the colonies continued to be dedicated considerable

interest. For the nationalist ideology that characterized the regime, the vast regions of

the World under Portuguese sovereignty were to be seen as the justification of a

necessary conscience of greatness and pride to be Portuguese.

The expression "Portuguese Colonial Empire" would be generalized and even

met official formalization. Colonial patrimony was considered as the remaining spoils

of the Portuguese conquests of the glorious period of expansion.

These notions were mystified but also expressed in Law as in 1930 Oliveira de

Salazar (at the time minister of Finances and, for some time of the Colonies)

published the Colonial Act. It stated some fundamental principles for the overseas

territorial administration and proclaimed that it was “of the organic essence of the

Portuguese nation to possess and colonize overseas territories and to civilize

indigenous populations there comprised”. The overseas dimension of Portugal was

however soon put at stake after World War II. The converging interest of the two

victorious superpowers on the re-distribution of World regions productors of raw

materials contributed for an international agreement on the legal right for all peoples

to their own government. Stated as a fundamental principle of the UN Charter,

anti-colonialism gave thrust to the independist movements of the colonies, and in

matter of time unavoidably accepted by the great colonial nations: England, France,

Netherlands, Belgium. Yet such countries relied on mechanisms of economical

domination that would last, assuring that political independence wouldn't substantially

affect the structure of trade relations.

Loss of the Indian territories and the reactions. The first problem that the

Portuguese had to deal with was the conflict with the Indian Union, independent state

in 1947. The Indian nationalism had triumphed over the English occupation, and in

1956 forced the French to abandon their establishments in 1956. The same was

demanded to the Portuguese over their territories of Goa, Daman and Diu, but in face

of refusal. India severed the diplomatic relations. The passage through Indian territory

in order to reach the two enclaves dependent of Daman was denied since 1954, and

despite the recognition of such right by International Court of Justice recognized t

(1960), Dadrб and Nagar Haveli were effectively lost. This was followed by mass

invasions of passive resisters which Portuguese were still able to hinder until

December 19 of 1961, when the Indian Union made prevail it's superior military force,

to obtain final retreat of the Portuguese.

Goa had been capital of the Portuguese expansion to the East. Conquered in

1510 by Afonso de Albuquerque, it was also an active center of religious diffusion to

the point of being called the Rome of the Orient. In spite of it's the historical and

spiritual importance, the reactions against the military attack of the Indian Union

parted mainly from official sectors, and only moderately shared by the public opinion.

For the historian J. Hermano de Saraiva whom we have followed, it reflected the

dominant politic ideologies: at the end of the XIXth century, the colonizing activity

was considered a service rendered to civilization but since World War II viewed as an

attempt to the liberty of the peoples. This “doctrinal involucre of interest to which the

Portuguese were completely strange was rapidly adopted by the intellectual groups, in

great part responsible for the formation of the public opinion”. That's how Saraiva

justifies that the protests for the loss of Goa to the Indian Union were directed less to

the foreign power than to the Portuguese authorities, “for not having known to

negotiate a modus viviendi acceptable for both parts”. More than that, he detects in

this curious reaction a tendency that would accentuate along the two following

decades: the crisis of patriotism. To defend or to exalt the national values appeared to

the bourgeois elites of the 60's as a provincial attitude, expression of cultural


Indonesian invasion Indonesia invaded the territory in December 1975, relying on US diplomatic

support and arms, used illegally but with secret authorisation from Washington; new

arms shipments were sent under the cover of an official "embargo".

There was no need to threaten bombing or even sanctions. It would have

sufficed for the US and its allies to withdraw active participation and inform their

associates in the Indonesian military command that the atrocities must be terminated

and the territory granted the right of self-determination, as upheld by the United

Nations and the international court of justice. “We cannot undo the past, but should at

least be willing to recognise what we have done, and face the moral responsibility of

saving the remnants and providing reparations” - a small gesture of compensation for

terrible crimes.

Many were immediately killed, while their villages were burned down to the

ground. Others run to the mountains in the heart of their land, and organized a

resistance movement. These brave peasants - and their sons - have opposed the

barbarian indonesian soldiers for 23 years now. Torture, rape, all kinds of physical,

sexual and psychological violations, violent repression and brutal murder have been

the daily life of the Maubere people (the original people of East Timor) since.

Even before president Habibie's surprise call for a referendum this year, the

army anticipated threats to its rule, including its control over East Timor's resources,

and undertook careful planning with "the aim, quite simply... to destroy a nation".

The plans were known to western intelligence. The army recruited thousands

of West Timorese and brought in forces from Java. More ominously, the military

command sent units of its dreaded US-trained Kopassus special forces and, as senior

military adviser, General Makarim, a US-trained intelligence specialist with "a

reputation for callous violence".

Terror and destruction began early in the year. The army forces responsible

have been described as "rogue elements" in the west. There is good reason, however,

to accept Bishop Belo's assignment of direct responsibility to General Wiranto. It

appears that the militias have been managed by elite units of Kopassus, the "crack

special forces unit" that had "been training regularly with US and Australian forces

until their behaviour became too much of an embarrassment for their foreign friends".

These forces adopted the tactics of the US Phoenix programme in the Vietnam

war, which killed tens of thousands of peasants and much of the indigenous South

Vietnamese leadership, as well as "the tactics employed by the Contras" in Nicaragua.

The state terrorists were "not simply going after the most radical pro-independence

people, but... the moderates, the people who have influence in their community."

Well before the referendum, the commander of the Indonesian military in Dili,

Colonel Tono Suratman, warned of what was to come: "If the pro-independents do

win... all will be destroyed. It will be worse than 23 years ago". An army document of

early May, when international agreement on the referendum was reached, ordered

"massacres should be carried out from village to village after the announcement of the

ballot if the pro-independence supporters win". The independence movement "should

be eliminated from its leadership down to its roots".

Citing diplomatic, church and militia sources, the Australian press reported

that "hundreds of modern assault rifles, grenades and mortars are being stockpiled,

ready for use if the autonomy option is rejected at the ballot box".

All of this was understood by Indonesia's "foreign friends", who also knew

how to bring the terror to an end, but preferred evasive and ambiguous reactions that

the Indonesian generals could easily interpret as a "green light" to carry out their work.

The sordid history must be viewed against the background of US-Indonesia

relations in the postwar era. The rich resources of the archipelago, and its critical

strategic location, guaranteed it a central role in US global planning. These factors lie

behind US efforts 40 years ago to dismantle Indonesia, perceived as too independent

and too democratic - even permitting participation of the poor peasants. These factors

account for western support for the regime of killers and torturers who emerged from

the 1965 coup.

Their achievements were seen as a vindication of Washington's wars in

Indochina, motivated in large part by concerns that the "virus" of independent

nationalism might "infect" Indonesia, to use Kissinger-like rhetoric.

The recent convulsions inside Indonesia - with its people finally crying for

freedom and democracy - and the Nobel Peace Prize of 1996 - shared between Bishop

Belo, a dominican supporting the Maubere people in Dili, and Jose Ramos Horta, a

politician and activist who represents the Resistance historic leader, Xanana Gusmao,

imprisioned in Indonesia for a 20-year sentence - have brought a new hope to the fight

of this martyr people. Also, economic crisis hitting south-east Asia has shaken the

dictatorship in Jakarta more than ever. The winds of change blowing throughout

Indonesia started to hit East Timor...

Introduction to Indonesia Indonesia is the country with the more of Muslims in the world which means

87 per cent of 180 million habitants. Nevertheless, the major part of the declared

Muslims mix their faith in Allah with animistic or Hindu-Buddhist beliefs. These are

reminiscences of the Indian colonization that would be interrupted with the

penetration of Islam in the 16th century, generally superficial and incomplete.

Due to the insular configuration, composed by 13 677 islands, 3 000 inhabited,

and with an approximate extension of 1/8 the perimeter of Earth, Indonesia faces

problems of national unity. Being the fifth most populous nation, 2/3 are concentrated

in only the fifth larger island, Java, where the density is one of the highest. The

solution passes inevitably by birth control and transmigration to territories such as

Papua New Guinea, recently East Timor but also in between with the evident purpose

of dissolving local cultures in the predominant Javanese which is only one amongst

360 tribal and ethno-linguistic groups and more than 250 different languages and


The Dutch colonial domain had been massively based in Java, with the rest of

the archipelago had developed very unequally. From the rigid Islamic areas of North

Sumatra to the tribes of Borneo or the Christian islands of the east, a variety of

economic and social systems experienced very distinct problems for their progress.

Independence of Indonesia and Sukarno At the time of Indonesia's proclamation of independence in 1945, President

Sukarno defined an ideological base for the state -- the "Panca sila" (meaning "five

virtues") -- to be followed by all citizens and sworn by the social organizations. Main

principles imposed were the adoption of Indonesian "Bahasa" language and the

acceptance of one among five religions -- Islam, Catholicism, Protestantism,

Hinduism and Buddhism -- forbidding the animist cults and other traditional practices.

Thus "Panca sila" was assumed as an instrument of governmental control and a mean

to javanize the diverse cultures.

But not without much internal opposition. Illuded with the possibility of the

creation of an official Islamic state, when Suharto reached to power, Communist

administrators and Islamic movements supported the Revolution, but what they didn't

expect was the minor concessions offered, and once annihilated the Communist Party,

an “important preoccupation of the government has been to control, domesticate or

destroy the most orthodox and active Muslim factions” (Prof. A. Barbedo de

Magalhгes, Oporto University). Since then they oftenly erupt in riots against the

military aristocracy, basically syncretic in matter of religion.

Besides reaffirming the "Panca sila", in 1982 Suharto introduced the Law of

the Associations which would fasten the strain on political, religious and social

associations as it increased the powers of the administration to dismiss or impute

directors to the aggregations, to destroy or agglutinate them in others more vast and

controlled by the militaries.

Social and Political instability is patent in public insurrections in favor of

democracy, which in September of 1984 culminated with the killing of 60 Muslims

and imprisonment of important personalities such as of former governors that defied

an inquiry to the incident.

Neo-colonialism in Indonesia? Many authors mention that Sukarno had a

dream: the formation of a great Indonesia comprising the totality of the ancient Dutch

East Indies, inclusive the non-Indonesian population. For this reason had he

renounced to the federate structures initially conceived for the creation of the United

States of Indonesia -- thus betraying the agreement with the Dutch for the transfer of

sovereignty --, in favor of an unitary constitution, although still provisional. The new

direction was taken in August of 1950, three months after an unilateral declaration of

independence by the South Moluccas.

The first elections, free and democratic in fact, would be held in 1955, but

disputed by more or less 170 parties! Their differences naturally brought difficulties to

the functioning of the parliamentary democracy. On one hand, between the exponents

of pre-Islamic syncretism of the "Nahdatul Ulama" (NU) and the orthodox Moslems

of the "Masyumi", which's vital strength came from the outside -- West Sumatra and

North Celebes besides Occidental Java (Sundanese ethnic origin). On the other hand,

between the Nationalist Party (PNI) and the Communist Party (PKI), based in Java,

and these with the Moslems.

The inefficiency of the administration, which passed through seven

governments since 1949 to '57, and the rivalry engaged by the parties alone, in

contrast with the heroism of the Revolution of August 17th, after all, the concentration

of decision and power in Java as restrictor of the economic, social and cultural

development aroused at the end tension in the exterior islands.

In February of 1957, Sukarno criticized the Western liberal democracy because

unadapted to Indonesian particularity. He interfered more in the constitutional

processes and appeals to his concept of "Guided Democracy", founded on indigenous

procedures: the important questions should be decided through prolonged

deliberations ("musyawarah") in order to obtain consensus ("mukafat"). This was the

practice in the village and the same model ought to be adopted for the nation. Sukarno

proposed a government formed by the four main parties and a national council

represented by parties and functional groups in which, under the guidance of the

president (himself), consensus would express itself.

In spite of the charisma gained by Sukarno as father of the country and mentor

of the principle "unity in diversity", he was unable to avoid the proclamations of the

martial law in March of 1957 as a response to the regional dissidences which reached

their peak.

At the end of the year a further set-back was brought by the defeat of a motion

for the renewal of negotiations concerning the destiny of West New Guinea. In a

series of direct actions across the country, Dutch property was seized with the

Indonesian government taking over. In the beginning of 1958 West Sumatra claimed

for the constitution of a new central government under the leadership of Hatta, a

moderate and historic figure of the Revolution, from the start vice-president of

Sukarno up until two years ago when he resigned because disagreeing with his policy.

Ignored the appeal of the Sumatrese a new revolutionary government was formed,

supported by leaders of the Masyumi Party, including the ex-Prime Ministers Natsir

(September 1950 -- March '51) and Harahap (August '55 -- March '56). The military

commandant of the North Celebes joined the initiative, yet most striking was CIA's

assistance with armament including aircrafts.

Suppression of the revolt was nevertheless soon accomplished, and with the

regions undermined, the parties discredited and the prestige of the victorious army

elevated, Sukarno resumed the idea of Guided Democracy in partnership with the

military. Meanwhile, the army chief of staff A. Nasution had committed himself to the

thought that the return to the revolutionary constitution of 1945 (presidential-type)

would offer the best means for implementing the principles of deliberation, consensus

and functional representation. Sukarno urged this course in a speech to the Constituent

Assembly, elected in 1955 to draft a permanent constitution. Despite failing the

approval of the necessary two-thirds for majority, he introduced it through a

presidential decree of dubious legality.

Indonesia's domestic as well as foreign diplomacy is difficult to conceive in

terms other than in the context of neo-colonialism. It certainly is incompatible with

the spirit of the Afro-Asian Conference of Bandung held in Java, in 1955. Among

twenty nine countries consensus was reached in order to condemn colonialism “in all

it's forms of manifestation”. As it seems, imperialism isn't condemnable so long the

territories comes from an ancient colony. Like the annexation of the Moluccan islands

(1950-52) and in 1969 the also former Dutch West New Guinea, long pretended. The

last was integrated after an Act of Free Choice sanctioned by UN. In truth, many

journalists and observers would consider the process orchestrated but it had already

been sealed. Today it is remembered as perhaps the most unfortunate episode UN's


In both regions, as well as in other islands of the Pacific, population claim

Melanesian ancestrality, not identifying themselves with Indonesia, predominantly


The country has always been tormented by regional rebellions. From the

perpetrated by Islamic fundamentalist movements, even in Java (where in the district

of Acheh, a Moslem state practically subsisted between 1948 and 1962), Sumatra and

Celebes as we've seen but also Kalimantan, to those involving Christian groups as in

the South Moluccas. Still in 1984 the Movement for the Liberation of Papua erupted

in attacks against the main cities of the territory, hoisting their flag in the capital

opposite to the Regional Parliament.

The power of Sukarno depended along the years of the preservation of the

equilibrium between the army and the Communist Party (PKI). The period assisted to

the crescent popularity of the communists due to the consistent protection moved by

the President in face of the incursions of the militaries. he opposed to the prohibitions

of congresses and editorials, banished political organizations patronized by the

military to blacken the PKI, placing some of their militants in political posts. Many

analysts think that Sukarno was preparing the path for the rise of the communists to

the power. Others say that his action intended to assure a the permanently threatened


The coup of Suharto and the military. On the night of September 30, 1965, a

group of subaltern officials based at Halim Air Base attempted a coup d'йtat to

anticipate what they alleged to be the take-over of a pro-Western council of generals.

But by following morning the Strategic Reserve of the Army Forces (KOSTRAD),

commanded by Suharto, had concluded a successful counter-attack. For specialist

Benedict Anderson, of Cornell University, it seems odd that Suharto, who would

gather the reins of power into his hands, hadn't been aimed at by the "30th of

September Movement" which assassinated six army generals (while a seventh, A.

Nasution, escaped).

With propaganda that implicated important nationalist and communist

politicians in the first stroke and the estimulation of the widely spread resentment of

the pro-Chinese PKI was object of among the Indonesian Islamic groups, the

militaries gradually assumed power. Suharto begun to maintain the already wasted and

sickened Sukarno in a fictional presidency, as a symbol of national unity until by

decree emptying his legal authority, in March 11, 1966. The next semester would be

fatal for more than half a million Chinese and Indonesian besides an excess of 200

thousand political prisoners which altogether formed one of the greatest Communist

parties of the World. The wave of hysteria was such that they were pointed out and

oftenly even executed by their proper neighbor civilians in the villages.

Formation of East-Timorese political associations During Portuguese dictatorship, civilians were prohibited to gather for political

discussions. But since the 60's an educated elite with nationalist aspirations begun to

reune clandistinely and vehicle some principles in catholic press. Three weeks after

the democratic Revolution, formation of political associations was incentivated, in the

process of decolonization. Immediatly UDT was founded, wanting to prolong

Portugal's presence in view of a progressive autonomy. ASDT, future Fretilin, called

for radical independence, while Apodeti, supported by Indonesia, for the integration of

East Timor in the neighbour power.

Although the changes acrossing the metropolis were of little immediate effect

in the rural society, they had profound impact among the elites of East Timor,

particularly in the administrator sectors, centered in the cities and specially in Dili

They polarized the opposition to certain aspects of the Portuguese rule.

Since the 60s, an educated elite with nationalist aspirations began to emerge,

often product of the catholic schools and particularly from the seminaries of Dare

(outside Dili) and S. Jose in the colony of Macao. Discussions involved small groups

of students and administrators that gathered clandestinely in the capital. The main

escapes of their ideas were catholic publications of reduced circulation like Seara,

which was closed down by the political police PIDE.

The conclusions reached are considered general and vagrant. Subjects like

traditional marriage and the educational system were debated but not much was

proposed as a global critic and alternatives.

Anyhow, this collective of student-administrators and higher level bureaucrats,

as well as important rural proprietors would constitute the basis of the two main

political parties: UDT and ASDT/Fretilin.

Three weeks after the Revolution 25th of April, the Governor of East Timor

created the Commission for the Autodetermination which's intentions were to bring

out to legality all the incipient political associations.

The parties UDT (Timor Democratic Union). This became the first party, was also the

most popular for some months. The initial declaration, of May 11th, made apology of

democratic principles, distribution of revenues and, the fulcral aspect, a progressive

autonomy materialized with an increasing participation of the Timorese but always in

the light of the Portuguese flag, to culminate with the integration of East Timor in a

Portuguese language community. The political platform as conceived by first

president Mбrio Carrascalгo was to hold Portugal's presence as far as possible without

putting aside the option for independence. But although having presented a cohesive

front at start, the course of events in the months followed would evidence different

susceptibilities towards a same problem.

Firmly based on two groups, the higher positioned administrator elite and the

larger proprietors of coffee plantations. UDT accounted still the favours of many suco

liurais, although the majority of these belonged to the circle of the imposed chiefs, in

an ancient practice of the colonial government to substitute the legitimate when less

malleable... They used their influence to gain support for the party in the countryside

managing strong implantation in areas like Liquie, Maubara, Maubisse, Ainaro,

Manatuto, Laclubar.

While a group of conservatives were granted support by traditional chiefs and

administrators -- whose positions and privileges under Portuguese rule made them

emphasize a continuation with the metropolis --, those with commercial

preoccupations of economical diversification beyond the Portuguese orbit focused on

the advantages of independence.

Not until 27 of July did the MFA in Lisbon determine the new orientation in

relation with the colonial territories. By it, the Timorese were officially and for the

first time confronted with the possibility of independence.

In a message to the Portuguese President, UDT still inquired about the

viability of federation, but no further elucidation was obtained. Few days later, UDT

published the provisional statutes where preconized autodetermination oriented to

federation with Portugal, with an intermediate phase for obtention of independence,

and rejecting integration in any potential foreign country. It is probable that the

discouragement of a definite bind with Portugal had also to do with the winds of

independence that blew from the ancient metropolis. Spreading throughout the

African colonies, in East Timor it influenced a crescent opposing party of independist

militancy that defied UDT's hesitations: ASDT.

Amongst UDT founders pontificated the mentioned Mario Carrascalгo,

proprietor of coffee plantations, director of the Agriculture Services, and also former

leader of caetanist party ANP (Popular National Association), the only one allowed.

Ex-seminarist Lopes da Cruz was too a ANP member and director of Timor's journal,

A Voz de Timor, patronized by the government. He and intellectual Domingos de

Oliveira were custom officials. Cesar Mouzinho was Mayor of Dili.

ASDT/Fretilin (Revolutionary Front of Independent East Timor). The plan of

ASDT was acknowledged in the proper day of it's foundation, 20th of May. Adopting

the doctrines of socialism and democracy it called upfront for a gradual independence

preceded of administrator, economical, social and political reforms. Three to eight

years was the period of transition considered necessary. And from the beginning with

the participation of the Timorese in the administration.

In the majority, ASDT was constituted with recent recruited members of the

urbane elites, mainly those living in Dнli, which maintained the link to the rural areas

of where they came from. Some were even descendants of liurai families.

With an average age under 30, the elder Xavier do Amaral, of 37, became

ASDT's chairman. The leaders were commited to nationalism and reaffirmation of the

Timorese culture, agreed on the priority of agricultural development, on

alphabetization and extensive health programmes. But furthermore, the political

perspectives deferred. The dominating tendency between the founders of ASDT was

clearly social-democratic, represented by men like journalist Ramos-Horta,

administrator Alarico Fernandes, Justino Mota and former professor Xavier do

Amaral. Ramos-Horta says that for him and the majority of his colleagues it

represented social justice, equitative distribution of the country's wealth, a mixed

economy and a parliamentary system with extended democratic liberties. As to what

extent did they have a model, sociologist John G. Taylor mentions the

social-democracy of the 60 and 70's in Austria and Scandinavia. Anyway it wasn't

experimented, as the urgency to gain internal and foreign support seems to have kept

on depriving the opportunity.

Still during the ASDT period, a secondary current leaded by ancient sergeant

and administrator, also ex-seminarist, Nicolau Lobato, “combined a fervent

anticolonial nationalism with notions of economical and political development

self-reliance based upon the experiences of Angola and Mozambique”. His ideas

would begin to prevail after the transformation of ASDT into FRETILIN.

Apodeti (Timorese Popular Democratic Association). In 25 of May a third

party appeared under the designation of Association for the Integration of Timor in

Indonesia. Renamed Apodeti, the manifesto of the party defended an integration with

autonomy in the Republic of Indonesia in accordance to the International Law and

principles such as the obligatory teaching of the Indonesian language (Indonesian

Bahasa), free education and medical assistance, and the right to go on strike.

The visionaries of Apodeti parted from the assumption that Portugal would

abandon East Timor and that the idea of independence couldn't stand a chance because

of Indonesia. In reality, the revindication of autonomy in a process of integration

appeared more as a popular measure and than as a political stand.

It has been written that in the beginning of the 60's, BAKIN (military

co-ordinator agency of the secret intelligence INTEL), mounted a net in East Timor

which dealed with merchants, custom-house functionaries and agents from the

Indonesian consulate of Dili, in change of favours, payments and refuge in case of

conflict. Among them, those who would become the prominent leaders of Apodeti:

professor and administrator Osуrio Soares, liurai of Atsabe (near the boarder of

Indonesian Timor) Guilherme Gonzalves, and cattle breeder Arnaldo dos Reis Arajo.

Still before the Portuguese Revolution, BAKIN had trained East-timoreses in

radio transmissions and as interpreters.

Nevertheless, while UDT and ASDT/Fretilin rapidly reached to the thousands

of adepts, Apodeti wouldn't reach more than a couple of hundreds during the whole

year of '74.

The support came mainly from the sucos of Guilherme Atsabe and a small

Muslim community of Dili. Besides this it had no expression. The dubious

personalities of it's leaders, all with criminal record and their political purposes made

Apodeti in the words of East Timor's last governor, J. Lemos Pires “an enclosed

organization, with difficulties to dialogue with the people and government even worse

with the opponent parties”. Fretilin considered Apodeti illegal.

Three minor parties appeared, all more or less insignificant. The KOTA

(Klibur Oan Timur Aswain), meaning "sons of the mountain warriors", was filiated in

the Popular Monarchical Party of the metropolis. Remounting it's origins to the

Topasses (see Ethnology of the Timorese), KOTA postulated the restoration of

powers to the liurais who could trace their ancestrality back to the Topasse period in

order to constitute a democratic monarchy, with the king to be elected amongst the

liurais. Like KOTA, the Timorese Democratic Labour Movement hadn't a programme

and agrouped only eight members, all from the same family. They wished to mobilize

the working class. The Democratic Association for the integration of East Timor in

Australia received money for promises of integration in Australia. It's existence was

ephemerous because the Australian government departed from the idea even before

the end of 1974.

Of these parties, KOTA and the Labour party were further mentioned and

precisely by the Indonesian authorities with the sole purpose to evoke that four of the

five parties, which they alleged that was the majority of the East-timorese, had

petitioned for integration during the Civil War

On 15 September the United Nations Security Council unanimously authorised

the establishment of a multinational force in Timor (UNSCR 1264). The resolution

gives the force three tasks for its mandate: first, to restore peace and security to East

Timor; second to protect and support the United Nations Mission in East Timor and;

third, to facilitate within force capabilities humanitarian assistance operations in East

Timor. The multinational force is commanded by Australia’s Major General Peter


Australian support The multinational force has been authorised by the United Nations Security

Council, under chapter VII of the United Nations Charter, to use all necessary

measures to achieve its mandate. The multinational force would prepare the ground

for the United Nations to complete its task of managing East Timor's transition to

independence. This will involve the arrival as soon as possible of a fully-fledged blue

helmet UN peacekeeping operation and the establishment of a UN transitional


Australian support for peacekeeping operations is not something new –

Bougainville is but one ongoing example. But the East Timor operation – multilateral

in scope, strongly representing South East Asia, led by Australia and conducted under

a United Nations Chapter VII or peace enforcement mandate – is of a very different

nature. This is the first time that Australia has been asked by the United Nations to

build and lead a multinational force and to provide the largest single component.

When Australia’s deployment was at full strength, it had committed 4,500 troops.

Australian involvement in the East Timor crisis is not motivated by any desire

to cause difficulties in relations between Australia and Indonesia. It is important that

Australia is in East Timor at the request of the United Nations and with the agreement

of the Indonesian Government. It was in Australia’s vital interests that Indonesia be a

peaceful, stable and democratic state, economically prosperous and playing a leading

and respected role in the region. It was also in Indonesia’s own interests to ensure East

Timor’s transition is a peaceful and orderly one. Australia’s efforts in building the

relations with Indonesia were directed to that outcome.

With respect to defence relations, it is in australian security interests to have

links such as defence attache representation, high-level strategic talks, staff college

courses, maritime surveillance and disaster relief exercises. Such contacts are

necessary to achieve the objectives in East Timor, and are desirable because defence

links will be part of any effective long-term relationship with Indonesia. That decision

shows the challenges Jakarta and Canberra face in maintaining a working defence

relationship that supports the long-term national and strategic interests of both


Prime Minister Howard has said that “the deployment of Australian troops to

East Timor meets the test of national interest in two respects. First, in the spirit of

Australia's military tradition, troops are going to defend what Australian society

believes to be right. The troops are not going to occupy territory, to impose the will of

Australia on others or to act against the legitimate interests of another country. Rather,

they go to East Timor at the request of the United Nations and with the agreement of

the Indonesian government. INTERFET troops are defending East Timor’s desire for

independence, as delivered in a free vote granted to them by the Indonesian

Government and with the blessing of the international community. In addition,

INTERFET troops will facilitate the humanitarian relief that is so desperately needed

for the hundreds of thousands of displaced people in East Timor.

Second, Australian troops in East Timor will work to put an end to the terrible

violence that prevailed immediately after the result of the ballot was announced. Apart

from the human cost, the scale of violence we witnessed undermines Australia's own

interest in a stable region. The troops will prepare the way for the United Nations to

undertake the vital task of developing a transitional political and administrative

framework for East Timor. For East Timorese, this offers the hope of reconciliation

among groups that have fought each other for decades and the opportunity to create

their own future. They have a responsibility to come to grips with these issues. For

Indonesia, it will more readily be able to concentrate on its nation building task, with

the full support of the international community.”

USA admits Timorese right to self-determination On a letter to Senator Russel Feingold, dated December 27th, 1996, U.S.

President Bill Clinton recognized, for the first time, that he "noted with interest your

[a group of 15 U.S. Senators] support of a UN-sponsored self-determination

referendum in East Timor".

Indonesia admits independence For the first time in 23 years, Indonesia has admitted the right of the Timorese

people to indepence. Last January, on the eve of another high-level bilateral summit

on East Timor between the Portuguese and Indonesian Foreign Ministers, at the

United Nations' headquarters in New Yourk, the Indonesian authorities stated that if

the East Timorese rejected the current authonomy plan offered by Indonesia, the

central government in Jakarta would be ready to let them separate from their invadors.

Only a couple of weeks later, president B.J. Habibie announced, at a meeting

with indonesian businessmen at the Chamber of Commerce, that by January 1st, 2000

the problem of East Timor would be 'fixed': either the Timorese accepted the

"large-scale authonomy" proposed by the Indonesian government in New York

(August 5th, 1998), or Indonesia "would wave them goodbye". It was the first time the

Indonesian authorities openly talked of independence for East Timor.

Meanwhile, the situation on the territory has worsened in the last months,

followin the alleged massacre at Alas (south of Dili) last December, when as much as

52 people would have been killed. The military (18,000 soldiers currently serve in the

occupied territory, according to intelligence data smuggled out of East Timor by a

dicident officer - that is, 1 for each 40 East Timorese, or proportionally 7 times more

than in the rest of Indonesia) have been arming civilian militia, in what international

observers consider to be a move aimed at starting a civil war on the verge of

Indonesia's leave.

Agreement Between the Republic of Indonesia and the Portugese

Republic on the Question of East Timor The Governments of Indonesia and Portugal, recalling General Assembly

resolutions and the relevant resolutions and decisions adopted by the Security Council

and the General Assembly on the question of East Timor; bearing in mind the

sustained efforts of the Governments of Indonesia and Portugal since July 1983,

through the good offices of the Secretary-General, to find a just, comprehensive and

internationally acceptable solution to the question of East Timor; recalling the

agreement of 5 August 1998 to undertake, under the auspices of the

Secretary-General, negotiations on a special status based on a wide-ranging autonomy

for East Timor without prejudice to the positions of principle of the respective

Governments on the final status of East Timor; having discussed a constitutional

framework for an autonomy for East Timor on the basis of a draft presented by the

United Nations, as amended by the Indonesian Government; noting the position of the

Government of Indonesia that the proposed special autonomy should be implemented

only as an end solution to the question of East Timor with full recognition of

Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor; noting the position of the Government of

Portugal that an autonomy regime should be transitional, not requiring recognition of

Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor or the removal of East Timor from the list of

Non-Self-Governing Territories of the General Assembly, pending a final decision on

the status of East Timor by the East Timorese people through an act of

self-determination under United Notions auspices; taking into account that although

the Governments of Indonesia and Portugal each have their positions of principle on

the prepared proposal for special autonomy, both agree that it is essential to move the

peace process forward, and that therefore, the Governments of Indonesia and Portugal

agree that the Secretary-General should consult the East Timorese people on the

constitutional framework for autonomy attached hereto as an annex; bearing in mind

that the Governments of Indonesia and Portugal requested the Secretary-General to

devise the method and procedures for the popular consultation through a direct, secret

and universal ballot signed up in New York on this 5th day of May, 1999 the

Agreement Between the Republic of Indonesia and the Portugese Republic on the

Question of East Timor

“Article 1 Request the Secretary-General to put the attached proposed constitutional

framework providing for a special autonomy for East Timor within the unitary

Republic of Indonesia to the East Timorese people, both inside and outside East

Timor, for their consideration and acceptance or rejection through a popular

consultation on the basis of a direct, secret and universal ballot.

Article 2 Request the Secretary-General to establish, immediately after the signing of

this Agreement, an appropriate United Nations mission in East Timor to enable him

to effectively carry out the popular consultation.

Article 3 The Government of Indonesia will be responsible for maintaining peace and

security in East Timor in order to ensure that the popular consultation is carried out

in a fair and peaceful way in an atmosphere free of intimidation, violence or

interference from any side.

Article 4 Request the Secretary-General to report the result of the popular

consultation to the Security Council and the General Assembly, as well as to inform

the Governments of Indonesia and Portugal and the East Timorese people.

Article 5 If the Secretary-General determines, on the basis of the result of the popular

consultation and in accordance with this Agreement, that, the proposed constitutional

framework for special autonomy is acceptable to the East Timorese people, the

Government of Indonesia shall initiate the constitutional measures necessary for the

implementation of the constitutional framework, and the Government of Portugal

shall initiate within the United Nations the procedures necessary for the removal of

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